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In the aftermath of the crisis, the euro area has struggled to find a way out of its global vise. It’s time to start asking what the real alternatives for “Euroland” really are.

When the eurozone economy slid into a severe crisis in mid-2010, its debt crisis became a deep threat to Europe’s conception of itself. That conception, of course, was the European project. The idea of the monetary union was that it would create a freely flowing European market within a fixed framework of external borders, defined in terms of liberty and democracy.

The crisis revealed the great contradiction in the European project: it was simultaneously a movement towards ever-closer political and economic integration, which politicians of all kinds embraced with enthusiasm, and a shield against the risks of economic integration, which politicians of all kinds seized on to defend the interests of their own countries and electorates.

The simultaneous embrace and recoil from the European project were a natural consequence of the nature of the European project itself. It was a political project built around a mix of liberal and democratic ideas (the economic integration that is also desirable in its own right) and national security ideas (which generally stand in the way of the liberal and democratic project). From the start, European projects have been a mixed bag, but no European state or interest group can now rule out the two sides of the union; the idea of a European democracy will be realized at some point, but that does not rule out a continuation of the political ideas of the past.

In the short term, however, the eurozone crisis has sown new doubts about the possibility of European political integration. Politicians of all kinds across the European Union have embraced the project of European unification. There is, however, a real risk that this support will harden into a belief that the European Union is inevitable – that there is little that individual states can do to change the institutional framework of the union or the governance of the European Central Bank.

The resilience of this belief is a sign of a deeper contradiction within the eurozone project. The entire development of the eurozone as a currency and a political project – from the Treaty of Maastricht and the creation of the euro in 1999 to the Maastricht Treaty of 2002, the European Central Bank in 2004, and the onset